台山位于广东省珠江三角洲西南部，其方言属于粤方言四邑片。台山方言的词汇中存在着大量的变调现象。本文的研究目的是为了厘清台山方言中词汇变调的类型以及区域内部之间的差异，以及试图探讨不同变调的历史层次。

本文共分为七个部分。

第一部分为绪论。这一部分简略地介绍了台山的历史情况、方言分区、粤方言变调的相关研究以及本文的研究目的与意义。

第二部分为调查点三合、斗山、端芬、下川的音系以及特点说明。本章详细描述了调查点三合、斗山、端芬以及下川的音系以及音系特点，通过对比分析指出四地在声韵调上的特点。

第三部分介绍台山方言中三合、斗山、端芬三地的低降变调。其语音表现形式为低降调，来源自平声调、去声调以及入声调，基本具有区别词性与词义的特点，本质上为一种名词标记。其代际差异不大，但青年一代中低降变调有消退的迹象。

第四部分介绍台山方言中三合、斗山、端芬三地的高降变调。其语音表现形式为略带曲折的高升调，来源自平声调、阳上调、去声调以及入声调。高升变调的语义特点基本与低降变调一致，但是高升变调有区别与低降变调的表达程度减轻的语法功能，表现形式为重叠变调。这一重叠变调的表达形式在老年与青年中都有存留。

第五部分介绍台山方言中下川点的高降变调。其语音形式为从高降调，来源自平声调、阳上调、阳去调以及入声调。高降变调只存在于下川点方言，并且与高升变调有部分对应的关系。其语义特点与高升变调无异，在代际之间亦差别不大。

第六部分介绍台山方言中的高平变调。其语音形式为高平调，直接借用外来词的音调。此变调为四地共有的变调类型，为后起的变调，推测其为广州话影响下的产物。其作用为区别外来词与本土词，在区域之间几乎没有差异。

最后一部分为结语，通过以上章节的梳理与总结，可知陆地部分的三合、斗山、端芬存在着低降变调跟高升变调，而在海岛的下川点存在着高降变调。这三种形式的变调在词汇中有两种类型，一为实现语法功能的形态变调，一为作为口语标志的习惯性变调。下川的变调虽与三合、斗山、端芬三地在形式上相异，但其本质是一致的。在历史层次方面，低降变调应该是先于高升变调出现的，佐证之一为下川点只与高升变调有对应关系。而下川点特有的高降变调，应该是在高升变调兴起后不久产生的，与陆地的低降变调与高升变调形成平行的关系。新近出现的是高平变调。

Taishan is located in the southwest of the Pearl River Delta in Guangdong Province. Its dialect belongs to Siyi dialect of Yue dialect. There are many lexical tone sandhi phenomena of Taishan dialect. The purpose of this study is to clarify the types of lexical tone sandhi in Taishan dialect and find out differences within the region. Moreover, this study try to explore the historical levels of different tone sandhi.

This article is divided into seven parts.

The first part is the introduction. This part briefly introduces the history of Taishan, the dialect division, the related research of tone sandhi in Yue dialect, and finally describe the purpose and significance of this study.

The second part is about the phonological system and characteristics of Sanhe, Doushan, Duanfen and Xiachuan. This chapter describes the phonological features of Sanhe, Doushan, Duanfen and Xiachuan in detail, and points out the phonological characteristics of the four places through comparative analysis.

The third part introduces the low falling changed tone in Sanhe, Doushan and Duanfen. Its phonetic expression is low-falling-pitched, which originates from píng-shēng tone平声调, qù-shēng tone去声调, and rù-shēng tone入声调.  It basically has the characteristics of distinguishing the part of speech from the meaning of words, and is a noun marker. There is little intergenerational difference, but it has the tendency that the low falling changed tone of the younger generation has faded.

The fourth part introduces the high-rising-changed tone in Sanhe, Doushan and Duanfen. Its phonetic manifestation is a slightly tortuous high-rise tone, which originates from píng-shēng tone平声调, yáng-shǎng tone阳上调, qù-shēng tone去声调, and rù-shēng tone入声调. The semantic characteristics of high-rising-changed tone are basically consistent with that of low-falling tone, but there are differences between high-rising-changed tone and low-falling-changed tone, and the grammatical function of low-rise tone is reduced. The form of expression is overlapping tone. This overlapping tone sandhi expression exists in both old and young people.

The fifth part introduces the high-falling-changed tone of Xiachuan. Its phonetic form is from high tone to low tone, which originates from píng-shēng tone平声调, yáng-shǎng tone阳上调, yáng-qù tone阳去调, and rù-shēng tone入声调. The high-falling-changed tone only exists in Xiachuan Dialect, and it is partly related to the high-rising-changed tone. Its semantic characteristics are similar to those of high-rising-changed tone , and there is a little difference between generations.

The sixth part introduces high-level-changed tone in Taishan dialect. Its pronunciation form is high-pitched, borrowing the tone of foreign words directly. This tone sandhi is the common tone sandhi type in the four places. It is presumed that this tone sandhi is the product of the influence of Guangzhou dialect. Its role as a distinction between loanwords and native words, there is little difference between regions.

The last part is the conclusion. Through the summary of the above chapters, we can see that there are low-falling-changed tone and high-rising-changed tone in Sanhe, Doushan and Duanfen of the land part, while there are high-falling-changed tone in Xiachuan island. There are two types of tone sandhi in vocabulary, one is morphological tone sandhi to achieve grammatical function, the other is habitual tone sandhi as a sign of colloquialism. Although Xiachuan's tone sandhi is different from Sanhe, Doushan and Duanfen in form, its essence is the same. On the historical level, the low-faling-changed tone should appear before the high-rising-changed tone. One of the evidences is that the Xiachuan's tone sandhi only corresponds to the high-rising-changed tone. The special high-falling-changed tone of Xiachuan should be produced shortly after the rise of high-rising-changed tone, which is parallel to the low-falling-changed tone and high-rising-changed tone of the land. The recent emergence is high-level-changed tone

绪论 1
第一节 台山的地理、历史沿革、方言分布情况 1
一、台山地理概况 1
二、台山历史沿革 2
三、台山方言分布情况 3
第二节 台山方言变调研究综述 4
一、粤方言变调研究概述 5
二、台山方言变调研究概述 7
第三节 本文的研究目的、意义与调查方法 9
一、研究意义与目的 9
二、调查方法 10
第一章 台山方言四片区方言点音系 14
第一节 三合、斗山、端芬音系与特点 14
一、三合音系 14
二、三合、斗山、端芬语音比较 16
第二节 下川音系与特点 19
一、下川音系 19
二、下川音系的特点 21
第三节 小结 25
第二章 三合、斗山、端芬三地低降变调比较 27
第一节 三合、斗山、端芬低降变调的语音形式比较 27
第二节 三合、斗山、端芬低降变调的语义特点比较 28
一 、三地低降变调词性区别功能的异同 28
二、 三地低降变调词义区别功能的异同 29
三、 三地低降变调的习惯性变调 32
第三节 三合、斗山、端芬低降变调的位置分布比较 34
一、分布在词首的低降变调 34
二、分布在词尾的低降变调 35
三、同时分布在词首与词尾的情况 36
第四节 三合、斗山、端芬三地低降变调的代际差异 37
一、三地低降变调语义特点的代际差异 37
二、三地低降变调位置特点的代际差异 39
第五节 小结 39
第三章 三合、斗山、端芬三地高升变调比较 41
第一节 三合、斗山、端芬高升变调的语音形式比较 41
第二节 三合、斗山、端芬高升变调的语义特点比较 43
一 、三地高升变调词性区别功能的异同 44
二、 三地高升变调词义区别功能的异同 45
三、高升变调的习惯性变调 47
第三节 三合、斗山、端芬三地高升变调的代际差异 49
第四节 小结 52
第四章 三合、下川两地高降变调比较 54
第一节 下川高降变调的语音形式 54
第二节 下川点与三合点低降变调与高升变调条目对比 55
一、下川点与三合点低降变调条目的对比 55
二、下川点与三合点高升变调条目的对比 56
第三节 下川高降变调的语义特点 57
一、高降变调表词性区别 57
二、高降变调表词义区别 57
三、高降变调表程度减少 58
四、高降变调的习惯性变调 58
第四节 高降变调的语义特点的代际差异 59
第五节 小结 60
第五章 三合、斗山、端芬、下川四地高平变调比较 61
结语 63
参考文献 65
附 录 69
附录一：斗山端芬音系 69
一、斗山音系 69
二、端芬音系 71
附录二：四地词表 74
一、三合词表 74
二、斗山词表 106
三、端芬词表 138
四、下川词表 170
后记 204